Author: Internationalist Perspective

A failed coup d’etat or a succesful coup de theatre?

Was what happened in Washington on January 6 a failed coup? An armed insurrection against the state? A terrorist attack of the caliber of 9/11? A sacrilege in the temple of democracy? A slap in the face of America like Pearl Harbor? The equivalent of the Nazi Crystal Night? Was it “one of the darkest days in American history”? The media and politicians were not lacking superlatives to describe the event. Even the Murdoch press (Fox News etc.) participated (reluctantly).

But a coup d’etat is something else. If thousands had caught the Capitol by force and taken politicians hostage as part of a coordinated plan to seize power, it would have been a coup attempt. But that was not what we saw on January 6.

Terrorists or tourists?

“Surreal” is a word that comes to mind when describing the circus. Trump set it in motion, exhorting his jamboree of thousands of hardcore followers to go to the Capitol to pressure Congressmen to reject the election results. “I will walk with you!”, he promised, after which he quickly returned to the White House to watch what happened next on TV. But even without him, the Trumpists arrived in an excited and determined mood at the Congress building where the undermanned police could not stop them.  

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A caste system

Slavery in Roman times was not racial. Slaves were not considered subhuman, not even a different kind of human. Their skin color didn’t matter. It could be the same as their masters or not.They were exploited, obviously, but their workload was limited by the needs of their masters. They, and more so their progeny, could often become ‘free’ citizens. By contrast, in capitalist slavery, skin color was all important, the visual justification of the treatment of people as beasts of burden. Only Africans were enslaved, ‘black’ became a synonym for slave. Profit was the driving force. Unlike slaves in antiquity and the middle ages, the modern slaves were exclusively bought as a means to the production of other commodities. As long as the demand for the products of their labor was high, their workload was only limited by their physical strength and often went beyond it.

And the demand was very high. Capitalist slavery was very profitable and so it expanded. The construction of racism, its indispensable ideology (see part 2), created a rigid caste system in the western hemisphere. It was a complex, blood-based hierarchy of Others that dictated that for each caste member, the ceiling was the floor of the caste above his.  

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American workers have been on the receiving end of an onslaught of astonishing proportions, all of it caused by the bourgeoisie which considers the rest of the population to be a free-fire zone.   In past months, the extra-juridical executions of black people by the police, the deaths of a quarter of a million people from Covid-19, the accelerated impoverishment brought about by the economic crisis and the refusal to send relief to the unemployed and hungry have intensified social distress.    Added to which the elections and events around them have seemingly bludgeoned the population into the most extraordinary mindsets.

Clearly, faced with this barrage, the workers have been on the defensive.   So, how do we assess their ability to fight back?   To do this we have to unravel several themes in the social situation;   in so doing we encounter its several unusual features.

Racism, Plague and Poverty

Throughout American history, racism has been an integral part of the social reality and as capitalism developed so this poison was used to divide the working class.   The US party system with its Republican and Democratic organisations have each had what we might label their progressive and reactionary wings.   But, especially since the Nixon era, their alignments have moved.    

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Like in their earlier text on the site Ill Will , “Theses on the George Floyd rebellion” , in their more recent essay “The Return of John Brown: White Race-Traitors in the 2020 Uprising “, Shemon and Arturo describe the social unrest of this year as a big step forward towards revolution. Less because of the mostly peaceful daytime mass protests than because of the nighttime violent insurgency. “Riots, looting, and arson have accomplished more in one summer than what activists have been able to accomplish in decades”, they write. And: “Experiencing this has been unlike anything we’ve experienced before. In the nerve-centers of the American empire, disparate fractions of the proletariat came together to attack the police and storm the commercial corridors of dozens of cities. In the “Theses,” we argued that the self-activity of the Black proletariat is the driving force of this revolutionary trajectory. In this essay, we explore the role of the white proletariat in this process.”

The authors are apologetic for even addressing this subject. They expect resistance from non-white proletarians “who cannot, on principle, stand any discussion of poor and working class whites”, who “think that it [the white proletariat] is eternally lost to racism”.  

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This text is, in part, a reply to the previous one on this site.

During the last four years the crisis of capitalism has steadfastly worsened. The climate disturbances created by its growth addiction and environmental rape have intensified, the spurt of growth and booming stock markets could not hide the growing sickness of the economy, social inequality and class conflicts increased, as well as international frictions. A general sense of dread and insecurity spread around the globe. The pandemic brought the simmering tensions to the surface, exposed the weaknesses of the capitalist global social order.

This would have happened, regardless who the leaders are. This doesn’t mean that there are no choices for the bourgeoisie, only that their choices are bound by those conditions. They can do nothing to solve the crisis, so their choices are essentially limited to how to manage it, how to deal with the tensions it creates. On this, the ruling class is divided. Trump represents a management style that is increasingly popular in the capitalist class around the world. Giving the population enemies to blame and a “he talks like us” strongman to follow, is a proven method of dealing with rising frustration and anxiety.  

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In September we posted The Rise of Black Counter-Insurgency, a text by Shemon originally published on the website Ill Will. It made a sharp analysis of the “George Floyd rebellion” of past summer and of the efforts to contain it and make it harmless for capitalism. We introduced the text with some critical comments, to which Shemon reacted on the (non public) discussion list Meltdown. We repost his comments below, with his permissioni.

The IP intro raises a lot of good points and shortcomings of what I have been writing.

Some brief comments:

1. No doubt that the struggle has to spread to the workplaces. The question is why hasn’t it in the mass way that it has spread to the streets? The struggle cannot remain at the level of riot and fighting the police. I 100% agree. The question is why do people fight in the streets and not in the workplace? Even if we tell most people of striking at the workplace, they just shrug their shoulders and move on. It must reflect NOT a false consciousness, but their real materialist analysis of where they are strong and where they are weak. Perhaps that is too generous. I would be curious to hear from others what they think?  

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