Mac Intosh

Our comrade, Mac Intosh, died on 27 August. His sudden death has shocked us profoundly. He has been a mainstay of Internationalist Perspective since our founding in 1985; he will be sorely missed as a dear friend and comrade.

First and always, Mac Intosh was a militant, a revolutionary Marxist for whom participation in the class struggle was all; he made many valuable theoretical contributions to the political life of the left communist movement – all with the perspective of strengthening the participation of revolutionaries in the class struggle.

His early political experiences were shaped by the onset of the Cold War in his late teens. He was then animated by the growing demonstrations against the Vietnam War and, most importantly, by the upsurge in class struggle in Europe in 1968 and the years following. These intellectual and emotional leanings enabled him to denounce both of the major imperialisms in the Cold War and the national liberation movements that had grown in South America, Asia and Africa and their ideologues in Western Europe and North America. They also prepared him to greet enthusiastically the upsurge of class struggle among the industrial working class of Europe which heralded a new era of class conflict following the decades of reaction.

In the mid-sixties, he became a Marxist and met others breaking with leftism. He also became acquainted with the left communist traditions so important prior to and during the Second World War from which he became convinced of the critical importance of the class lines that separated the interests of the workers from those of the ruling class. At this time, two burning convictions were ignited and were to steer everything else: that the capitalist state in all its guises had to be destroyed; and that the class lines, drawn with proletarian blood in inter-imperialist wars and defeated revolutions, were the guides for revolutionary analysis and direction.

Indeed, he had enormous respect for and a strong emotional link with past generations of revolutionaries who had shared the same convictions, particularly those in the left communist traditions – the militants of left communism who defended the importance of workers councils and the militants of Bilan and Internationalisme – who stood against the bourgeois democracies, as well as against the Stalinist and the fascist states before and during the Second World War, refusing to take sides in an inter-imperialist conflict.

In 1969, together with other comrades who shared the same views, he founded the group that published Internationalism in the US as part of the same effort in France with the group Revolution Internationale and later with World Revolution in the UK.

For all these militants, internationalism was essential at every level. Contributing to the formation of the International Communist Current in 1974 was a natural step for him. He was able to participate in interventions in major class struggles in both Europe and North America and, most importantly, contribute significantly to the ongoing theoretical work especially concerning state capitalism, the development of the war economy, geopolitics and the period of transition. However, when organisational tensions in the ICC came to a head about the revolutionary organisation and its role, Mac Intosh did not hesitate to take sides in the discussion of ‘centrism’, its organisational repercussions, and a resurgence of Leninist rhetoric. After a bitter and lengthy discussion, and the expulsion of a substantial number of comrades from the 1985 conference, he and others from several countries joined together to publish Internationalist Perspective.

The new group called itself “External Fraction of the ICC” (EFICC) because it continued to defend the platform of the ICC, even though, in its judgement, the organisation had betrayed its own principles. Soon, however, its critique expanded beyond the practice of the ICC to its theoretical base, and the name EFICC was dropped. But Mac Intosh pushed Internationalist Perspective (IP) to go further, from the critique of the mistakes of the ICC to the critique of the state of development of Marxist theory itself, against the widely accepted view that Marxism was a finished theory that only needed to be applied. He insisted on the need for IP to participate in what he called “a renaissance of Marxism”.

He himself contributed in no small way to this renaissance. He encouraged the group to take up and use the insights of Marx in his later works, which became widely available only in the 1970s, such as “the Grundrisse”, “Results of the Immediate Process of Production” (the so-called sixth, unpublished chapter of volume one of Capital) and others. He put particular emphasis on Marx’s concept of capitalism’s transition from formal to real domination which was to provide the basis for IP’s understanding of the historical trajectory of capitalism, the development of state capitalism, the incorporation of the reformist parties and trade unions into the state apparatus, the capitalist nature of science and technology developed within the course of the capitalist mode of production, the penetration of the capitalist social relation and the law of value, not only in the entire sphere of production, but also in the spheres of circulation and consumption, and the submission of all aspects of human existence to the imperatives and logic of the production of value. Mac Intosh stressed the self-destructiveness of capitalism’s real domination, as inherent in the operation of the law of value itself. Following these discussions inside the group, IP comprehensively rejected the vision of “historical materialism” of traditional Marxism based on a mechanistic materialism, a crude economic determinism, a teleological philosophy of history based on laws that automatically or inevitably produce the end of capitalism and the victory of the proletariat, and an equation of the development of the productive forces in their capitalist forms with historical progress.

The period since the founding of IP has been a difficult one for revolutionary Marxists. We have been through the longest period between revolutionary upsurges, and the global capitalist system has developed and undergone important changes. The revolutionary optimism post-1968 has dissipated as a new reality of social life under global capitalism evolved. All Marxist groups have had to come to terms with this and there is no doubt the pro-revolutionary milieu has experienced a substantial attrition. Internationalist Perspective has not been immune to this. Mac Intosh was a driving force in maintaining its focus on open debate and theoretical deepening.

The collapse of the Soviet Union, the War on Terror, the 2008 financial meltdown, the global resurgence of social struggles demanded deeper analysis of the global capitalist economy, geopolitics, the evolution of the collective worker, and the revolutionary subject. Mac Intosh made major contributions to discussions and writings on all of these issues as can be seen elsewhere on our website. At the same time, he worked on the meaning of genocide, and in particular the Holocaust, in the evolution of capitalism’s destructive onslaught on humanity. IP will publish a collection of his texts in the near future.

Over the last decades his interest in philosophical interpretations of social issues intensified. However, his interest in them was never for its its own sake, simply as an intellectual exercise. He was always curious about the various viewpoints to see what insights into issues might be revealed. He became particularly interested in the Neue Marx-Lektúre and its spin-offs, but was acutely aware of the political views of its various proponents, especially in their views on the state, which, in his analysis, is integral to the capitalist mode of production. Likewise, he saw in communization theory elements that could contribute to the renaissance of Marxism, in particular its focus on the necessity of communization as integral to the revolutionary process itself, together with the rejection of the positivity of labor, a hallmark of traditional Marxism. Communization, he insisted, will instantiate production and forms of work beyond labor and provide the social bases of a human community from which the value-form has been finally expunged. However, he also strongly criticised any omission of the role of consciousness in the destruction of capitalism and pointed out that views concerning its inevitability were reminiscent of Histomat. Whatever he got out of his studies was intended to add to the theoretical armoury of Marxism to contribute to the class struggle and the emergence of the revolutionary subject in its fight against capitalism and all exploitation. In this he never gave up his militant beliefs. He died a militant. And we should be proud of that.

Fierce in his convictions, Mac Intosh dared to open up a whole new path, embarking on the formation of Internationalism and the ICC. He did not hesitate to leave that organisation when its principles were betrayed. Analytically rigorous and articulate, courageous in polemic, he was compassionate in his dealings with others and always eager to encourage critical thought. Throughout his political life, Mac Intosh was our dear and respected comrade. We shall miss his soft voice and his inextinguishable sense of fun.

His comrades in Internationalist Perspective

September 2021

MAC INTOSH

Nous avons la tristesse d’annoncer à nos lecteurs le décès de notre camarade Mac Intosh , le 27 août, a après une très courte maladie.

Sa mort inattendue nous a choqués. Nous écrirons plus sur lui et avons l’intention de préparer une collection éditée de ses écrits.

MAC INTOSH

Lamentamos tener que informar a nuestros lectores la muerte de nuestro compañero Mac Intosh el 27 de agosto después de una enfermedad muy breve.

Su muerte súbita nos ha conmocionado.  Escribiremos más sobre él próximamente y tenemos la intención de preparar la edición de una colección de sus escritos.

Mac Intosh

We are sad to inform our readers of the death of our comrade Mac Intosh on 27 August after a very short illness.

His unexpected death has shocked us.   We shall write more about him and intend to prepare an edited collection of his writings.

Angry Workers Editorial on the Israel-Palestine Conflict

Below is an editorial published by our comrades in Angry Workers about the latest eruption of conflict between Israel and Palestine. While we obviously condemn the brutal occupation and the conditions imposed on the people in Gaza, we remain critical of all nationalist movements. As the article makes clear, the Palestinian Authority and Hamas organizations are no heroes and hostile to proletarian class interests.

We wholeheartedly agree with the Angry Workers’ conclusion that the only way out of this mess is through an internationalist convergence of working class struggles.

José


Over the last two weeks, the Israeli state has launched devastating aerial attacks on Gaza, and Hamas have fired over 3,000 rockets towards Israel. The dead now number 13 from Israel (including 1 child and two migrant workers from Thailand) and 248 in the Palestinian territory (including 66 children) with a further 1,900 wounded. Everywhere, the bourgeoisie and middle classes, along with their representatives in the press and state, have wept over the mounting corpses in the hopes that their crocodile tears will wash away the evidence of their complicity in this barbarism. It is crucial that the working class, both in the Middle East and the world over, sees through this pantomime.

This latest convulsion was a response to the intensification of Israeli encroachment on the middle class East Jerusalem neighbourhood of Sheikh Jarrah, majority Arab. The Israeli petit-bourgeois has long since understood how to exploit their country’s property laws in their own favour, to oust the Palestinian petit-bourgeois from their homes, relieving them of whatever property they have, and sending them to join the ranks of the already bloated Palestinian working class. This has been common practice in the region since the Six Day War of 1967 earned Israel the West Bank and Gaza, but it has recently increased. The petit bourgeoisie or middle classes, composed of the professionals and bureaucrats and small business owners who dream of ascending to the status of capitalist proper, is always doomed to be crushed by the crises of capital. This gives them a desire to clasp onto what little property they have, defending it to the death, and jettisoning the sections of its class it can easily identify and throw to the wolves. The ruin of the middle class suffered in the pandemic has not only forced the Israelis to increase their expropriation of the Palestinian middle class, it has also prompted street violence in Jerusalem between Arabs and Jews, a previously rare occurrence.

The leftist whinging about the particular evils of the ‘Zionist’ state is a smokescreen that covers up its real character as a perfectly normal state completing its objective tasks. As a tool in the hands of the Israeli bourgeoisie, the state has used the discontent of the Israeli middle class to pursue its goals. The occupation allows Israeli corporations to hold the Palestinian market captive, selling at incredibly high prices while forcing Palestine to export at low prices to Israel alone. Industrial and agricultural production benefits from lower taxes and rent, and the lax application of labour laws. The swelling Palestinian proletariat is forced to seek work in Israel, but has no security due to the arbitrary machinations of the Civil Administration and Shin Bet security service. Its labour is sold cheap as it has nowhere else to go, and it often faces brutal conditions and abuse. These low wages are then used as a pretext to lower the wages of the also impoverished Israeli working class as well, two million of whom are in poverty and rely on charity just to eat twice a day. Therefore, while it is sold to them as the only way to ensure their relative security, the Israeli expansion policy is actually the mechanism for their intense exploitation. The policy has two functions then: the securing of a surplus population to lower wages and maintain profitability, and the division of the working class into two hostile camps, each weakened and vulnerable. Each section is then fed its own nationalist myth: the lie that its own bourgeois state will look out for it and build the harmonious community that will allow it to prosper. The added mystique of Zionism in the Israeli version is merely a red herring. The same trick is carried out by our own government as well: they can pretend they don’t rely on cheap migrant labour, while stirring up racism to redirect the anger of the working class. But in Palestine, this takes the form of brutal, indiscriminate slaughter at a distance.

The Palestinian state powers undoubtedly have less military power and international state support in comparison to Israel – but that doesn’t make them ‘better’ or more worthy of support. This may shock the ‘anti-colonial’ left. On the one hand, we have the Fatah-controlled Palestinian Authority dominant in the West Bank, recognised by international capital, and, on the other, we have Hamas in Gaza, backed by Iran. Both are utterly bourgeois parties, made up of family-clans that work to reinforce each others’ domination over the limited resources in their territory and control the massive flows of foreign aid, brutally crushing the Palestinian working class. In the 2000s, in-fighting between these two parties, which both claim to represent ‘the Palestinian people’, cost hundreds of lives, 320 in 2006 alone. When Hamas took power in 2007, one of their first acts was to repress the existing Palestinian General Federation of Trade Unions (PGFTU). When they resisted, they attacked the homes and offices of leading trade unionists with rockets. More recently, in March 2019, the Hamas-led government cracked down on peaceful demonstrations against economic hardship, arresting more than 1,000 and beating a number of participants in what amounted to an escalation in repressive tactics.

Both Fatah and Hamas are utterly servile to the interests of the international imperialist powers. Because of the ever-increasing concentration of capital and its coordination through banking, the competition between capitalist states grows more ferocious. The stronger countries can use weaker ones as proxies for their own interests through the systems of loans, subsidies, and international banking. As a country with next to no native productive base, Israel relies entirely on its position as a tool of American capital to remain alive, securing for it oil resources and access to markets. The Palestinian Authority is also an American tool, used to maintain just enough stability in the region to be profitable. Hamas, however, is funded by Iran and Syria, who have a continual need to oppose American involvement in the area and demarcate their own spheres of influence. For this reason, Hamas used the increasingly provocative actions of the Israeli state as a pretext with which to attack it and further these goals. The provocative shelling of Israeli territory with 3,000 rockets was an act designed to shore up its increasingly unstable local position by tightening its grasp on the population. These inconvenient truths are seen to undermine the struggle for the freedom of people in Palestine, but there it is.

The Arab states have joined in with hypocritical ‘solidarity’ with their ethnic siblings in Palestine for similar reasons. Since 2019, their own unstable positions also need shoring up. Learning lessons from the Arab Spring, recent popular movements in Iraq, Lebanon, and Iran are blocking oil refineries and ports rather than putting out empty tweets about ‘democracy’. In other words, they are taking real, material action. These recent struggles against the governments were largely secular and didn’t appeal to the leaders of political Islam – something of particular importance in post-civil war countries such as Lebanon and Iraq. Although it is on the back-foot, the working class is waking up, as the recent strike wave in Algeria has proved. By focusing attention on the “national struggle” in Palestine, these states can bind these emerging social movements to their own state interest under the banner of Arab Patriotism or anti-Israeli demagogy, thus securing their own position. The global left has, of course, joined in on this outpouring of support for the Palestinian state powers, butchers of the working class and tools of the capitalist class. The left should ask themselves what promoting ‘national liberation’ would mean in concrete practice: telling young unemployed men to go on suicide missions in service of the struggle for the ‘Arab people, because in the end ‘you can’t fight tanks with stones?’ Cheering for a party like Hamas as it shells over 3,000 missiles? Entering an alliance with murderous bourgeois regimes like Iran, because it’s the ‘lesser evil’ and ‘national liberation’ needs material resources? In their search for a romantic oppressed subject, they end up only supporting bloodshed and genocide. We are not impotently begging for peace. We are pointing out the complicity of the middle class left in the murder of working people.

The working class in Palestine has made valiant efforts to resist its vicious exploitation. Almost none have any continued faith in the existing state powers, even if they do not all yet realise the trap inherent to nationalism itself. But their actions are constrained by the strata of bourgeois and petit bourgeois leaders who limit their actions to mere gestures. To take an example: the general strike called on 18th May that was lauded by leftists the world over who hadn’t examined its real contents. The mere phrase ‘general strike’ was, for them, enough to demonstrate that a genuine working class action had taken place. But the strike itself was called ‘from above’ and interclassist to the core: While mass numbers of workers did strike (only 150 out of 65,000 construction workers came in, 5000 cleaning workers and 10% of bus drivers were absent, etc.) it was also widely embraced by middle class professionals. It was first called by the Higher Monitoring Committee, the de facto representative of the Arab middle class in Israel, and was enthusiastically taken up by Fatah and Hamas, who ordered their own public sector workers to join in. These parties were not interested in the building of working class power, in fact they have always actively opposed it. The great success of the strike, all its leaders and reporters agreed, was the demonstration of the unity of the ‘Palestinian people,’ but it also had the deeper aim of binding the working class tighter to the bourgeois institutions leading it.

Valiant but sporadic solidarity actions from international workers, like the refusal to load cargo to and from Israel, demonstrates that these workers understand that their struggles are bound up with the struggles of the international working class, but this needs to happen on a much larger and inter-connected scale for it to have a more lasting impact on the balance of class relations. An international working class movement, independent of any outside influence, that is capable of organising across workplaces and across borders, can emerge when existing struggles converge. Despite all our online connectivity, this is massively difficult to achieve. We think the role of working class revolutionaries should be to encourage and build these international links the world over, if we’re going to have any hope of ending the bloodshed we face daily, as a class. This has nothing to do with abstentionism, but with fighting state violence on independent working class terms, both in Israel and Palestine. For us here, this can take the form of supporting migrant workers and refugees who refuse to take part in ‘their bosses’ wars’ and supporting actions against the international arms manufacturers, or supporting concrete strikes and struggles in the region, from Renault workers in Tunisia and Turkey to current health workers’ protests in Algeria and Israel. The main bridge between us and these struggles will be the collaboration with local groups and comrades who know the score, are rooted in the class, and act with communist attitude: “Workers have no fatherlands and communists have no interests separate from the working class”.

Angry Workers

May 2021

1° DE MAYO: MEMORIA Y PERSPECTIVAS

Con motivo del Primero de Mayo el grupo, con sede en Argentina, “La Oveja Negra”, elabora un balance de las luchas pasadas contra el capitalismo y encuentra una perspectiva de futuro en las luchas actuales.    

 

Una nueva conmemoración de las jornadas de mayo de 1886 nos encuentra para recordar, compartir, conmovernos, inspirarnos, debatir, reflexionar y agitar.

Nos encontramos otro 1° de mayo en la lucha anticapitalista por la cual hace tantísimos años fueron ejecutados a manos del Estado cinco compañeros y otros tres condenados a cadena perpetua, conocidos luego como los “mártires de Chicago”.

La lucha anticapitalista es tan necesaria como ayer para quienes sufrimos el Capital en carne propia: en cada jornada laboral, sea dentro o fuera de donde vivimos, con o sin salario, con o sin horario fijo, cada vez que buscamos trabajo, cuando padecemos las carencias, cada vez que nos relacionamos con otros seres humanos mediados por el dinero que todo lo cosifica.

Desde hace siglos el proletariado libra combates; sin embargo, aquellas jornadas de mayo en Chicago eran parte de una lucha en la cual proletarios y proletarias se organizaban con una perspectiva emancipatoria. George Engel, tipógrafo y anarquista ahorcado en 1887 lo expresaba de esta manera: «Yo no combato individualmente a los capitalistas; combato el sistema que da el privilegio. Mi más ardiente deseo es que los trabajadores sepan quiénes son sus enemigos y quiénes son sus amigos.»

Los compañeros de Chicago y el movimiento del cual formaban parte no lucharon simplemente por las ocho horas. Cuando se referían a “ocho horas de trabajo, ocho de sueño y ocho de recreación” no se referían al ocio que conocemos actualmente. Querían recuperar ese tiempo para la agitación, el aprendizaje y para confraternizar con sus pares.

Partimos de esta fecha que nos convoca para proponer un breve recorrido a través de las transformaciones de la sociedad capitalista y la incesante lucha por superarla.

El desarrollo industrial

A fines del siglo XVIII el Capital se vuelca definitivamente a la producción y transforma profundamente los procesos de trabajo reorganizándolos, tanto temporal como geográficamente. En Inglaterra se observa patente toda la brutalidad de esta dinámica social en sus inicios. Los propietarios de las fábricas tenían poco éxito para reclutar mano de obra, para ello debían recorrer a menudo largas distancias y privar a los futuros proletarios de sus medios de vida, hacinándolos en las casas que conformarían los barrios obreros.

La constitución del ejército de reserva industrial conllevó, además del despojo, una militarización del conjunto de la vida social. El ludismo, “los destructores de máquinas”, junto a movimientos de resistencia y revueltas fueron respuestas al hambre y la miseria que comenzaba a reinar.

Para frenar a los luditas el Estado debió modernizar su policía; pronto la destrucción de máquinas fue penada con la muerte, mientras que el sindicalismo emergente era tolerado. Se sancionaron leyes para regular tanto el trabajo como algunas libertades civiles. Con esta oscilación entre la violencia y la reforma, el progreso capitalista establecía un método para reconducir la ira de aquellos esclavos modernos, cuyos ataques estaban dirigidos contra los instrumentos materiales de producción y no hacían distinción alguna entre las máquinas mismas y el modo en que eran usadas.

Expresiones luego mayoritarias de los incipientes movimientos obrero y socialista comienzan a expresar gran fe en la ciencia y la maquinaria, o por lo menos a afirmar su supuesta neutralidad.

Las luchas contra la feroz avanzada capitalista comenzaron a reproducirse a lo largo del mundo, muchas de ellas con un claro contenido reformador al interior del capitalismo, otras con una búsqueda más profunda de subversión del orden social.

Fruto de estas luchas surgió la Primera Internacional o Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores (AIT). Fue a partir de las luchas concretas que se desarrollaban, en la práctica masiva de la clase y en el marco de las relaciones de fuerza existentes en cada país, que se pudieron refutar o afirmar las influencias de las distintas tendencias y rupturas. En ese sentido, la segunda mitad del siglo XIX constituye un período de aprendizajes y modificaciones de la lucha revolucionaria.

Los proletarios de diferentes países eran arrojados al trabajo como también a combatir en una trinchera en defensa de la patria. En esta situación de guerras nacionales y competencias interburguesas, decidieron intentar actuar dejando a un lado las fronteras nacionales y uniéndose para enfrentar a la burguesía como una clase internacional.

En los estatutos inaugurales de la AIT nos brindan un gran aporte: «La emancipación de los trabajadores será obra de ellos mismos o no será». Es decir, para obtener el triunfo el proletariado necesita de una acción común masiva, a la vez que producir una teoría y una metodología revolucionaria que lo orienten en la lucha. El gran objetivo: la abolición de las clases.

En la misma sentencia podemos leer también que la lucha por «la emancipación de la clase obrera no es una lucha por privilegios y monopolios de clase, sino por el establecimiento de derechos y deberes iguales y por la abolición de todo privilegio de clase.» Por primera vez el proletariado buscaba tener su propio proyecto revolucionario al margen de la burguesía, pero lo hacía aún cargado de las concepciones burguesas de la política. Si bien era el comienzo de una búsqueda propia, se pensaba mayoritariamente como una continuidad de la revolución francesa, que consideraban inconclusa. La igualdad de derechos y deberes se concebía como un avance hacia el fin de la explotación e incluso como un objetivo revolucionario, como una premisa para la sociedad sin clases. Su “toma de la Bastilla” consistía en vencer a una clase concebida como parasitaria, una guerra de un bando contra otro para administrar y gestionar la misma sociedad, sólo que bajo signo obrero.

En el primer congreso de 1866, en Ginebra, la AIT declaraba que «la restricción de la jornada laboral es una condición previa, sin la cual han de fracasar todos los demás esfuerzos por la emancipación… Proponemos 8 horas de trabajo como límite legal de la jornada laboral». Es decir, se planteaban reivindicaciones concretas inmediatas con una perspectiva revolucionaria. Esta perspectiva es la que fue asumida por trabajadores radicalizados en muchas partes del mundo, tal es el caso del movimiento del que fueron parte los mártires de Chicago.

Reestructuraciones

La reducción de la jornada de trabajo fue el resultado de la lucha de generaciones de proletarios, pero también fue ineludible para el Capital que, a nivel internacional y por sus propias contradicciones internas, estaba atentando contra la base misma de su reproducción. La extensión sin límites de la jornada laboral estaba atacando la reproducción y sobrevivencia de la fuerza de trabajo, de la fuente de plusvalor. Al mismo tiempo que se reducía la jornada, el Capital se transformaba logrando ampliar sus ganancias a partir de la ayuda de la ciencia, con la introducción de maquinarias, disminuyendo el tiempo de producción de las mercancías e intensificando la explotación del trabajo. No obstante es preciso destacar que, ayer como hoy, mientras en algunos países se moderniza, en otros se continúa requiriendo del saqueo y el trabajo esclavo.

En el caso de Argentina, la ley que regulaba las ocho horas se promulgó en 1929, ya como legislación necesaria de la modernización capitalista y su propia regulación. Este ejemplo local evidencia, junto a tantos otros en la historia y en el mundo, que aquello que en un momento puede ser un objetivo de lucha, un ataque directo a la ganancia, una necesidad inmediata impostergable e incluso dinamizadora de potentes expresiones revolucionarias, en otro puede ser simplemente un derecho otorgado para lubricar la maquinaria capitalista.

Esto no significa un desprecio hacia las luchas pasadas, sino un intento por comprenderlas, por poner en tensión aquello considerado una conquista, su relación con una perspectiva de transformación revolucionaria o de reforma al interior del desarrollo capitalista.

Justamente durante las tres primeras décadas del siglo XX el proletariado en Argentina llevó adelante una intensa agitación social. Su máxima expresión se cristalizó en la FORA, con su gremialismo anarquista y sus innumerables iniciativas de propaganda y agitación social, cuya finalidad revolucionaria se orientaba hacia la concreción del comunismo anárquico.

En este contexto la respuesta del Estado argentino a los reclamos sociales y las luchas en curso, ya sea en la ciudad como en el campo, fue siempre la represión, la cárcel, el destierro o la muerte. Ninguna mejora en la vida social fue obtenida sin oponer fuerza a la fuerza y, cuando las energías proletarias se dispersaban, se perdía rápidamente lo conquistado.

Debido quizás a las características geográficas y de organización productiva del país, así como a la fuerte orientación anarquista de federalismo y autonomía en el seno del proletariado, este no realizó una campaña homogénea respecto de la jornada laboral, aunque sí hubo infinidad de huelgas y luchas al respecto.

De la mano dura de la represión se afianzó un proceso de fuerte integración del proletariado en el capitalismo. Esto implica toda una serie de transformaciones en la vida social, en el Estado y sus legislaciones, así como en las organizaciones del proletariado y el contenido de sus luchas. En Argentina es justamente a partir de la década del ‘30 que se cimienta, sobre la derrota de las expresiones revolucionarias, el reformismo sindical y parlamentario que dará luego lugar al peronismo.

Cuando hablamos de integración comúnmente se interpreta un fenómeno ideológico o relativo a la conciencia, algo así como una cooptación, como un engaño o persuasión. Pero nos referimos a las condiciones materiales de existencia: la profundización de la integración de la reproducción de la clase proletaria en la reproducción del Capital, basada fundamentalmente en el desarrollo de la industria y sus elevados niveles de productividad. Este proceso claramente excede lo local y su expresión máxima es aquello que se ha denominado “la edad dorada” del capitalismo, entre el final de la segunda guerra mundial y los años ‘70 con su aumento en los niveles de producción y consumo, con su “Estado de bienestar”.

Los métodos de producción predominantes de este período, junto a una serie de medidas políticas que se implementaron en gran número de países, constituyeron lo que se conoció como el modelo fordista-keynesiano. Como siempre, en el capitalismo conviven diferentes realidades y formas de producción entre las diferentes regiones e incluso en una misma región; por ello tratamos de analizar brevemente sus aspectos determinantes, para acercarnos a la comprensión de las dinámicas sociales, y por ende de lucha, generales en cada momento.

El aumento sostenido de la tasa de ganancia durante varias décadas y el aumento (claramente no en la misma proporción) de los salarios en muchas ramas de la producción posibilitó una pacificación social donde los sindicatos cumplieron un rol importante. Esta situación que podemos comprender como un “pacto de productividad” entre el Capital y el trabajo reforzó el proceso de integración del proletariado. Sin embargo, las barreras puestas por la propia valorización capitalista aparecen una y otra vez. La aceleración de fenómenos como el aumento de la composición orgánica del Capital y la tendencia decreciente de la tasa de ganancia pusieron en crisis el modelo de desarrollo vigente que comenzó a reestructurarse más ampliamente en la década del ‘70. En el marco de este proceso de agotamiento se desarrollaron importantes expresiones de ruptura en la clase proletaria que decantarían en una nueva e intensa oleada de luchas a nivel internacional en las décadas de los años ‘60 y ‘70.

La derrota del movimiento revolucionario dio vía libre a la reestructuración capitalista de la producción y administración de la economía a través de diferentes procesos. Entre ellos: una renovada introducción tecnológica fundamentalmente apoyada en la “revolución informática”, la aceleración de la industrialización en diferentes regiones consideradas “atrasadas”, la reorganización de los procesos de trabajo y sus correspondientes legislaciones, al tiempo que la expansión de los mercados internacionales. Del mismo modo, la relocalización de fábricas gracias a la introducción de zonas francas permitió el acceso a mano de obra más barata, menos controles laborales, ambientales e impositivos, lo que incentivó una nueva y más eficiente división internacional del trabajo.

Todo esto trajo aparejado una transformación de las condiciones laborales, que dejó atrás muchas de las concesiones y conquistas propias de los niveles de productividad de las décadas anteriores. Se produjo un fuerte aumento de la precarización del trabajo y, por ende, de las condiciones de vida en general. Aquel se estructuró a través de distintas estrategias como flexibilización del uso de la fuerza de trabajo (flexibilidad del contrato de trabajo, pero también de los horarios, de los salarios y de las funciones); aumento de la desocupación y estabilización de un numeroso ejército de reserva que jamás sería incluido al trabajo asalariado; ejecución de procesos laborales estandarizados y simplificados, con la consecuente descalificación de la fuerza de trabajo; ingreso al mercado de trabajo de una cantidad cada vez más masiva de mujeres, que expresa la necesidad de más de un salario por familia; aumento del trabajo no registrado (que comprende desde la implementación de becarios o pasantes en la investigación, hasta la clandestinidad de trabajadores migrantes en talleres textiles); tercerización, subcontratación o externalización de determinadas tareas o fases de los procesos de producción que diseminan y disminuyen las responsabilidades patronales.

Estas transformaciones que el Capital encontró para mantener la explotación y dominación, es decir su propia reproducción, transformaron la reproducción del proletariado quebrando aquella fuerte integración que describíamos anteriormente, dando lugar a transformaciones importantes en las dinámicas de lucha y su contenido.

El presente

Hoy podemos estar seguros de algo que los compañeros en 1886 no podían estarlo tanto. La lucha por las ocho horas fue una lucha por la reducción de la jornada laboral en una situación en la que el capitalista ganaba más haciendo trabajar más tiempo a sus empleados. Los avances tecnológicos y organizativos hicieron que se pueda producir cada vez más en menos horas. Nos indignamos por la situación de aquellos que trabajaban y aún hoy trabajan más de ocho horas, pero no nos sensibiliza de igual forma que alguien trabaje menos de ocho horas bajo modalidades que destruyen cualquier cuerpo humano.

Si bien las categorías básicas del Capital permanecen –valor, trabajo, salario, mercancía, propiedad privada, Estado– mucha agua ha pasado bajo el puente. Las fábricas ya no son el centro de la sociabilidad capitalista, la composición de la clase proletaria no es la misma que antaño, el patrón dólar-oro ya no existe y las culturas proletaria y burguesa se encuentran prácticamente indiferenciadas.

El fin de los “años dorados” supuso la transformación del proletariado en general y una crisis del movimiento obrero en particular. La centralidad del trabajo en la industria y el lugar de la fábrica fue puesta en cuestión e implicó que el obrero industrial ya no fuera visto como el principal protagonista, ni mucho menos como la vanguardia de su clase. Esto significó que toda la experiencia acumulada en base a unas condiciones de trabajo que hacían posible la proliferación de grandes huelgas en los lugares de trabajo, prácticas de sabotaje, rompimiento de máquinas o herramientas, organizaciones de grandes contingentes de hombres y mujeres que compartían la cotidianeidad laboral en el mismo espacio, a veces incluso la vida en el mismo barrio obrero, no sea reproducible bajo las nuevas condiciones.

Evidentemente, estas dieron pie a nuevas formas: cortes de rutas para impedir la circulación de mercancías cuando miles de desocupados ya no pueden impedir la producción, por ejemplo. Por otra parte, y coincidentemente, a partir de ese momento la industria y el progreso capitalista dejaron más que nunca en evidencia la devastación que suponían para el planeta y para quienes lo habitamos. Comenzaron a gestarse cada vez más movimientos contra los efectos nocivos de la producción hacia la salud y el ambiente. Pero el abordaje de nuevas problemáticas o, mejor dicho, el abordaje de problemáticas históricas como novedad no necesariamente desembocan en la crítica y la lucha anticapitalista. Si bien las reivindicaciones salen masivamente de la esfera del trabajo para poner en cuestión diferentes aspectos de la reproducción social en su conjunto, se ha mantenido en la mayoría de los casos una perspectiva que parte de los niveles de la integración de antaño.

El retorno a los inicios del movimiento obrero o del Estado de bienestar no es deseable ni posible. Las luchas del pasado nos inspiran de cara al futuro, pero debemos quitarnos el lastre de la nostalgia progresista.

Hoy el Capital continúa pauperizando nuestras condiciones de vida. La extensión de la informática a cada vez más esferas del trabajo y de la sociabilidad en su totalidad junto a las medidas de aislamiento, profundizan la difícil situación a la que tenemos que hacer frente los proletarios y proletarias en nuestro día a día, y que debemos analizar a la hora de organizarnos si queremos transformar la realidad.

¿Cómo llevar a cabo la resistencia, incluso el más mínimo sabotaje, cuando todas las herramientas son nuestras y el lugar de trabajo es donde vivimos, cuando los niveles de desocupación crecen día a día, cuando no nos podemos encontrar con nuestras compañeras de trabajo más que a través de una pantalla, cuando las horas del día no parecen tener fronteras entre trabajo y no-trabajo, cuando la represión en las calles está legitimada por el discurso del “cuidarnos”? Son algunas de las preguntas que nos hacemos este primero de mayo.

La reestructuración capitalista produce el declive de la identidad obrera y la explosión de múltiples identidades, algunas de ellas vinculadas a las nuevas formas de lucha proletaria.

Las revueltas desatadas en diferentes partes del mundo en las últimas décadas, así como los “nuevos movimientos sociales”, a pesar del carácter interclasista y ciudadanista que observamos en muchas ocasiones, dejan en claro la persistencia de la lucha de clases. Al mismo tiempo nos advierten del carácter diverso que el proletariado tiene y ha tenido. La centralidad de la reproducción social en las luchas nos recuerda que la revolución debe implicar bastante más que la certeza de tener techo y comida. Debe atender, no solo como punto de llegada sino de partida, la denominada cuestión de género, lo racial, la sexualidad, la familia, la naturaleza de la cual formamos parte.

En las revueltas de nuestro tiempo, hoy atravesadas por la declaración mundial de pandemia, está muy claro que no hay una perspectiva de gestionar el objeto de las protestas. Solo los civilizadores progresistas proponen nacionalización, gestión obrera, referéndum, cambios en la administración capitalista. Pero no hay un mismo proyecto que tanto proletariado como burguesía deberíamos defender, gestionándolo de diferentes maneras. No se trata de una guerra de un bando contra otro para administrar y gestionar esta sociedad, sino de luchar contra el Capital en tanto que sociedad, que relación social.

El capitalismo, por sus propias contradicciones internas, no puede mejorar nuestras condiciones de vida. Por otra parte, esta conflictividad social tiende además a sincronizarse porque las medidas de austeridad en épocas de crisis son globales, porque el aumento de la explotación y el empeoramiento de las condiciones de vida no son un problema nacional o de políticas neoliberales. Ni los burgueses eligen este escenario ni los proletarios en lucha elegimos el nuestro. Las fuerzas ciegas de la economía nos han traído hasta acá. Ahora es importante saber qué hacemos, no de cara al futuro ¡sino lo que ya estamos haciendo! 

Cada contexto produce condiciones diferentes para la revolución y genera contradicciones (materiales, no morales; sociales, no individuales) particulares. Estas pueden hacernos importantes señalamientos acerca de la sociedad capitalista y su superación, pero la revolución finalmente dependerá de lo que podamos hacer en tanto clase. La lucha es inevitable y necesaria, nos transforma y buscamos transformarla en una definitiva. Nuestra preocupación es que la lucha de clases sea capaz de producir algo más que su propia continuación.

Por esto confiamos en que es tan importante no solo participar sino también comprender, estudiar y debatir el desarrollo de las luchas del presente. Porque en las posibilidades y condiciones de estas luchas, en sus críticas y rupturas, se delinea el horizonte revolucionario del presente.

First of May: Memory and Perspectives

At the occasion of May First, the Argentina-based group La Oveja Negra (‘The Black Sheep’) draws up a balance sheet of past struggles against capitalism and finds a perspective of the future in the present ones.

A new commemoration of May Day, 1886, allows us to remember, share, inspire, debate, reflect and agitate.

We commemorate another anti-capitalist May Day struggle many years ago for which five comrades were executed at the hands of the State and another three sentenced to life imprisonment, later known as the “Chicago Martyrs”.

The anti-capitalist struggle is as necessary today as yesterday for those of us who suffer the consequences of Capitalism in our everyday life: every working day, whether inside or outside of where we live, with or without wages, with or without fixed hours, every time we look for work we suffer the deficiencies, every time our relations with other human beings are mediated by money which turns them into relations between things.

For centuries the proletariat has been waging battles; however, those May days in Chicago were part of a struggle for which proletarians organized with an emancipatory perspective. George Engel, a typographer and anarchist hanged in 1887, expressed it this way: “I do not fight the capitalists individually; I fight the system that gives rise to privilege. My most ardent desire is for workers to know who their enemies are and who their friends are.”

The Chicago comrades and the movement of which they were a part did not simply struggle for the eight hour day. When they referred to “eight hours of work, eight hours of sleep and eight hours of recreation” they were not referring to the leisure we know today. They wanted time for agitation, learning, and fellowship with their peers.

We start from this date that summons us to propose a brief journey through the transformation of capitalist society and the incessant struggle to overcome it.

Industrial Development

At the end of the 18th century, Capitalism definitively turned towards production and profoundly transformed the work processes, reorganizing them, both temporally and geographically. In England all the brutality of this social dynamic is evident in its beginnings. Factory owners had little success in recruiting labor, for this they often had to travel long distances and deprive future proletarians of their livelihoods, crowding them into houses that would make up working-class neighborhoods.

The constitution of the industrial reserve army entailed, in addition to dispossession, a militarization of the whole of social life. The Luddites, “destroyers of machines”, together with resistance movements and revolts were responses to the hunger and misery that began to reign.

To stop the Luddites, the state had to modernize its police; soon the destruction of machines was punishable by death, while emerging trade unionism was tolerated. Laws were passed to regulate both work and civil liberties. With this oscillation between violence and reform, capitalist progress established a method to redirect the anger of those modern slaves, whose attacks were directed against material instruments of production and made no distinction between machines and how they were used.

Later, majority expressions of the incipient labor and socialist movements begin to express great faith in science and machinery, or at least to affirm their supposed neutrality.

The struggles against the fierce capitalist order began to reproduce throughout the world, many of them with a clear reformist content, others with a deeper search for subversion of the social order.

As a result of these struggles, the First International or International Workers Association (IWA) emerged. It resulted from the concrete struggles that developed in the massive practice of the class within the framework of the existing power relations in each country whereby the influences of the different tendencies and ruptures could be either refuted or affirmed. In this sense, the second half of the 19th century constitutes a period of learning and modifications of the revolutionary struggle.

The inaugural statutes of the IWA make a great contribution: “The emancipation of workers will be the work of workers themselves or will not be”. That is, to achieve triumph, the proletariat needs massive common action, while producing a revolutionary theory and methodology that guides it in the struggle. The great objective: the abolition of classes.

In the same sentence we can also read that the struggle for “the emancipation of the working class is not a struggle for privileges and class monopolies, but for the establishment of equal rights and duties and for the abolition of all class privilege.” For the first time the proletariat sought to have its own revolutionary project outside the bourgeoisie, but it still was loaded with bourgeois conceptions of politics. While it was the beginning of a quest of its own, it was mostly thought of as a continuation of the French revolution, which they considered unfinished. Equal rights and duties were conceived as a step towards an end to exploitation and even as a revolutionary goal, as a premise for classless society. Its “taking of the Bastille” was to defeat a class conceived as parasitic, a war on one side against another to administer and manage the same society, only under a labor sign.

At the first congress in 1866, in Geneva, the IWA stated that “the restriction of working hours is a precondition, without which all other efforts for emancipation must fail. We propose 8 hours of work as a legal limit of the working day”. In other words, immediate concrete demands were made with a revolutionary perspective. This perspective is what was taken over by radicalized workers in many parts of the world, such as the movement of which the Chicago martyrs were part.

Restructuring

The reduction in working hours was the result of the struggle of generations of proletarians, but it was also inescapable for capital which, internationally and by its own internal contradictions, was attacking the very basis of its reproduction.

The limitless extension of the working day was attacking the reproduction and survival of the workforce, the source of surplus value. At the same time as the day was reduced, capital was transformed to expand its profits with the help of science, with the introduction of machinery, reducing the production time of goods and intensifying the exploitation of work. However, it should be noted that, yesterday as today, while in some countries it is modernized, in others looting and slave labor continues to be required.

In the case of Argentina, the law establishing the eight hour day was enacted in 1929, as necessary legislation for capitalist modernization and for its own regulation. This local example shows, along with so many others in history and in the world, that what at one moment can be a goal of struggle, a direct attack on profit, an immediate and urgent need that cannot be postponed and even energizes powerful revolutionary expressions, at another moment may simply be a right granted to lubricate the capitalist machinery.

This does not mean contempt for past struggles, but an attempt to understand them, to put into tension what is considered a conquest, its relation to a perspective for revolutionary transformation or reform within capitalist development.

During the first three decades of the twentieth century the proletariat in Argentina pushed forward an intense social agitation. Its maximum expression crystallized in the FORA, with its anarchist unionism and its countless propaganda and social agitation initiatives, whose revolutionary purpose was oriented towards the concretization of anarcho-communism.

In this context, the Argentine state’s response to social demands and ongoing struggles, whether in the city or in the countryside, was always repression, imprisonment, exile or death. No improvement in social life was obtained without opposing force to force and, when proletarian energies dispersed, the conquest was quickly lost.

Due perhaps to the geographical characteristics and to the organization of production of the country, as well as to the strong anarchist orientation of federalism and autonomy within the proletariat, the proletariat did not carry out a homogeneous campaign regarding the working day, although there were countless strikes and struggles in this regard.

From the heavy hand of repression, a process of strong integration of the proletariat into capitalism was consolidated. This involved a whole series of transformations in social life, in the State and its laws, as well as in the organizations of the proletariat and in the content of their struggles. In Argentina, it is precisely from the 1930s on, after the defeat of the revolutionary expressions, that the unionist and parliamentary reformism was cemented which later gave rise to Peronism.

In regard to the integration of the proletariat: this is usually understood as an ideological phenomenon, something to do with consciousness, a kind of co-optation, a deception or a persuasion. But we refer to the material conditions of existence: the deepening of the integration of the reproduction of the proletariat class into the reproduction of Capital, based primarily on the development of industry and its high levels of productivity. This process clearly exceeds the local and its maximum expression is what has been called the “golden age” of capitalism, between the end of the Second World War and the 1970s with its increase in production and consumption levels, with its “welfare state”.

The predominant production methods of this period, together with a series of policy measures that were implemented in a large number of countries, constituted what became known as the Fordist-Keynesian model. As always, different realities and forms of production coexist in capitalism between different regions and even in the same region; that is why we try to briefly analyze its determinants, to approach the understanding of social dynamics, and therefore of struggle, general at all times.

The sustained increase in the rate of profit over several decades and the increase (clearly not in the same proportion) of wages in many branches of production enabled social pacification where trade unions played an important role. This situation we can understand as a “productivity pact” between capital and labor that reinforced the process of integration of the proletariat. However, the barriers put in the capitalist valorization itself appear over and over again. The acceleration of phenomena such as the increase in the organic composition of Capital and the declining tendency in the rate of profit pushed the then current development model into crisis and it began to restructure itself more widely in the 1970s. In the context of this process of exhaustion, important expressions of rupture were developed in the proletarian class that would lead to an intense new wave of international struggles in the 1960s and 1970s.

The defeat of the revolutionary movement gave way to capitalist restructuring of production and administration of the economy through different processes. Among them: a renewed technological introduction mainly supported by the “information technology”, the acceleration of industrialization in different regions considered “backward”, the reorganization of work processes and their corresponding legislation, along with the expansion of international markets. Similarly, the relocation of factories through the introduction of free zones allowed access to cheaper labor, less labor, environmental and tax controls which incentivized a new and more efficient international division of labor.

All this led to a transformation of working conditions, which left behind many of the concessions and conquests typical of the productivity levels of previous decades. There was a sharp increase in the precariousness of work and, therefore, living conditions in general. It was structured through different strategies such as easing the use of the labor force (flexibility of the employment contract, but also of schedules, wages and functions); increased unemployment and stabilization of a large reserve army that would never be included in wage labor; execution of standardized and simplified labor processes, with the consequent disqualification of the workforce; income into the labor market for an increasingly massive number of women, expressing the need for more than one salary per family; increase in unregistered work (ranging from the implementation of fellows or trainees in research, to the underground of migrant workers in textile workshops); outsourcing, or outsourcing of certain tasks or phases of production processes that disseminate and diminish employer responsibilities.

These transformations that Capital dicovered while striving to maintain exploitation and domination, i.e. its own reproduction, transformed the reproduction of the proletariat, breaking the strong integration that we described above, leading to important transformations in the dynamics of the struggle and its content.

The Present

Today we can be sure of something that our comrades in 1886 couldn’t be so sure of. The struggle for the eight hour day was a struggle to reduce working hours in a situation where the capitalist earned more by making his employees work longer. Technological and organizational advances made it increasingly possible to produce more in less time. We are outraged by the situation of those who worked and still work more than eight hours today, but are not equally sensitized that someone works less than eight hours under modalities that destroy the human body.

While the basic categories of Capitalism remain – value, work, wages, the commodity, private property, the State – a lot of water has gone under the bridge. Factories are no longer the center of capitalist society, the composition of the proletarian class is not the same as before, the gold standard no longer exists and the proletariat and bourgeois cultures are virtually undifferentiated.

The end of the “golden years” resulted in the transformation of the proletariat in general and a crisis of the labor movement in particular. The centrality of the work in industry and the place of the factory was questioned and meant that the industrial worker was no longer seen as the main protagonist, much less as the vanguard of his class. This meant that all the experience accumulated on the basis of working conditions that made possible the proliferation of large strikes in the workplace, sabotage practices, breakage of machines or tools, organizations of large contingents of men and women that shared labor daily life in the same space, sometimes even life in the same working class neighborhood, is not reproducible under the new conditions.

Clearly, that gave rise to new forms: blocking roads to prevent the circulation of commodities when thousands of unemployed can no longer prevent production, for example. On the other hand, and coincidentally, from that moment on, capitalist industry and progress demonstrated more than ever the devastation it entailed for the planet and for those who inhabit it. More and more movements began to develop against the harmful effects of production on health and the environment. But addressing new problems or, rather, addressing historical problems as something new, does not necessarily lead to anti-capitalist critique and struggle. While workers in production put forward many demands which put into question several aspects of social reproduction as a whole, most of them still cling to a perspective that is based on the level of integration of yesteryear.

To return to the early days of the labor movement or to the welfare state is neither desirable nor possible. The struggles of the past inspire us for the future, but we must take away the drag of progressive nostalgia.

Today Capital continues to pauperize our living conditions. The extension of information technology to more and more areas of work and to social relations in general, as well as isolating measures, worsen the difficult situation faced by proletarians in our day-to-day lives. We must analyze it in order to organize ourselves, if we want to transform reality.

How to carry out resistance, even the slightest sabotage, when all the tools are ours and the workplace is where we live, when the levels of unemployment grow day by day, when we can only meet our co-workers through a screen, when the hours of day do not seem to have boundaries between work and non-work, when repression in the streets is legitimized by the discourse of public health? These are some of the questions we ask ourselves this first of May.

Capitalist restructuring produces the decline of working class identity and the explosion of multiple identities, some of them linked to new forms of proletariat struggle.

The revolts unleashed in different parts of the world in recent decades, as well as the “new social movements”, despite their inter-classist and good-citizenship character that we observe on many occasions, make it clear that the class struggle persists. At the same time they warn us of the diverse character that the proletariat has, and has had. The centrality of social reproduction in struggles reminds us that revolution must involve much more than the certainty of having a roof over our head and food. It must address, not only as a point of departure but as a starting point, the so-called gender issue, race, sexuality, the family, our being part of nature.

In the revolts of our time, now pushed to the background by the global declaration of pandemic, it is very clear that the perspective is not to manage the subject matter of the protests. Only progressive citizens propose nationalization, worker management, referendums, changes in capitalist administration. But there is not a same project that both proletariat and bourgeoisie must defend, while differing on how to manage it. It is not a war of one side against another to manage this society, but to fight capital as a society, a social relation.

Capitalism, because of its own internal contradictions, cannot improve our living conditions. Furthermore, the social unrest tends towards synchronization, because austerity measures in times of crisis are global, because increased exploitation and worsening living conditions are not a national or neoliberal policy problem. Neither the bourgeois choose this scenario nor do the proletarians in struggle choose it. The blind forces of the economy have brought us here. Now it’s important to know what we’re doing, not for the future, but what we’re already doing!

Each context produces different conditions for revolution and generates particular (material, not moral; social, not individual) contradictions. These can give us important signals about capitalist society and how it can be overcome, but the revolution will ultimately depend on what we can do as a class. The struggle is inevitable and necessary, it transforms us and we seek to transform it into a definitive one. Our concern is that class struggle will be able to produce more than just its own continuation.

That is why we are confident that it is so important not only to participate but also to understand, study and discuss the development of the struggles of the present. Because in the possibilities and conditions of these struggles, in their critiques and ruptures, the revolutionary horizon of the present is outlined.

A SIGH OF RELIEF?

Half of America breathed a sigh of relief when power was finally transferred from, the would be autocrat Donald J. Trump, to the less colorful but entirely predictable Joe Biden. The Biden half believe his ascension represents a return to rationality, to social justice, to the standards of comportment expected of a liberal democracy, indeed, to civility itself. This half of America hopes we can end this chapter of American history and return to normal. But, what of the other half, the half for whom normal is not working, the millions who voted for Trump? Where will they go, what will they do, how will their anger be manifest? Will “Trumpism” turn into a proto-fascist movement as many fear? Are the conditions ripe for such a movement? It would seem so. Trumpism seems to share some important features with historical fascism:

  • The adoration of a strong leader (Mussolini, Hitler, Franco, Peron etc.)
  • The fear and hostility towards an outsider group (Jews, immigrants, Muslims)
  • Nostalgia for and identity with a mythical past (MAGA, Pax Romana, Aryan civilization, the old South, etc.)
  • An obsession with guns and the second amendment (Black Shirts, Proud Boys, militarization of civil society, militias)
  • A belief in conspiracies (The Elders of Zion, Q-anon, communist subversion etc.)
  • Fanatical anti-communism (On the rise)
  • The ability to mobilize citizens in the streets and at mass rallies beneath the flags of pernicious identities (Nuremberg, March on Rome)
  • A fanatical form of patriotism and glorification of the State (The State is currently an infested swamp but once cleansed becomes the supreme authority beholden only to the Dear Leader)
  • A strong distrust in the “lying” media (Fake news)
  • A wide spread sense of the betrayal of former leaders
  • A shameless open misogyny

All of these elements—and the list could go on–seem to be present in Trumpism and when coupled with the abyss of an economic crisis, a pandemic and a divided governing class, it is not unreasonable to suggest that something resembling fascism is looming on the horizon.

Can it be stopped? Before attempting to answer this question a few curious facts should be acknowledged and questioned. Trumpism and the recent growth of the moderate left of the Democratic Party emerged from the same soil; in many cases the supporters of Obama, Trump and Biden were interchangeable. What reconciles this seeming contradiction? Hannah Arendt1 was right to remind us of the mass of literature from the ancients that warned of the affinity between democracy and tyranny. It is of course a striking phenomenon with what relative ease 20th century liberal democracies transformed into totalitarian states and back again. There must be something in common that gives shape to the social subjectivity of the mass of citizens who are prepared to move in two directions simultaneously. I believe that the common social bond– expressed equally by the two factions of the ruling elite, is economic liberalism.2 Whether a state was seeking to expand the democratic franchise as a mode of social control or an authoritarian state determined to grind its citizens beneath the iron heel of fascistic autocracy, economic liberalism was always the desired outcome. The politics of the left or right are mere strategies to secure the expansion of the liberal economy.

What is the nature of economic liberalism, especially when in crisis, that opens so many to authoritarian solutions? This is a complex question but Arendt points her finger some of the effects of contemporary economic development citing social atomization, extreme individualization, a competitive social structure and extreme isolation and loneliness; in a word, widespread feeling of social alienation. This is how we create a nation of sociopaths. The Biden wing of the ruling elite may turn out to be the mirror image of Trump, equally dedicated to the expansion of the liberal economy, indeed defenders who will tolerate no challengers. If we wish to resist the devastating effects of a prolonged economic crisis we must embrace those moments of resistance that insist that we are more than cogs in an economic machine whose sole right to exist is to protect the interest of the rich.

B. York

2/15/2021

1 Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism

2 I use the term liberalism in its traditional form to mean–a free-market in goods and labor, along with the absolute right to private property as the cornerstone of individual liberty– first clearly articulated by John Locke, i.e. capitalism

 

A Second Pandemic: Madness

The whole world looked on with astonishment at the events at the US Capitol on 6 January.  The commentators and politicians berated the orgiastic attack on the ‘beacon of democracy’; this attack gave a performance usually associated with other parts of the world (and often paid for by the US government).   However, another thought went through millions of minds:  have Americans gone mad?

This question arose not simply because of the violence on the day but because the participants were unrestrained in expressing their beliefs about what was going on in the US, and crystallising five years’ worth of  tirades about conspiracy and ‘fake news.’    But this was only the tip of the iceberg.   There has been a ready acceptance in a growing proportion of the American population to believe the most bizarre stories about what is going on in their country.   Consider these:   that the ‘deep state’ ruling the country is composed of (Democratic, of course) Satan-worshipping cannibalistic paedophiles; Californian wildfires were started by alien Jewish lasers;  the Parkland school shooting was staged to attack the gun lobby; the Covid vaccination campaign aims to inject Bill Gates’s microchips into the population.   All these went alongside the Trump ‘Stop the Steal’ campaign and the 6 January attack on the Capitol in Washington.   Readers will be aware of these stories.   The current outbreak of conspiracy theories and the street actions of the far right in the United States entitles itself to be viewed as a pandemic of madness.

All human societies can have their bouts of insanity:   among the European societies of the past seven centuries there were several outbreaks of witch-hunts; That particular craziness had its echo in Salem, Massachusetts, at the end of the 17th Century.   More recently, Mao’s Cultural Revolution in China was perhaps the most striking.   These, and many others, can be associated with periods of profound societal stresses, social uncertainty and distress, and all had the ruling classes acting as steers following their own factional interests.   But what gives rise to such craziness – particularly intense in the US – as we have seen over the past years?   And how is it being steered?

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In the broadest sense, the global capitalist socio-economic system is a madness generator for the bulk of the world’s population.   Its wars and crises, its drive into evermore precariousness of existence for not just millions but billions of people, its repression, its pandemics, its increasing commodification of all things social and psychological; all these are manifestations of what Marx termed the real domination of capital, the ongoing process that has gone far, far beyond what could be possibly imagined in his time.   (I touched on some of this in my article DSM-5:  Recipes for Madness in IP58/59, Winter 2013.)   Worldwide, humanity is suffering not only physically but also mentally.    There are strong parallels with the conditions of, say, the European populations of the Sixteenth Century who had to deal with wars, famines, the breakdown of religious institutional certainties and the emergence of new political forces – and plagues.   Social anxieties were expressed in many ways, including witch-hunting and millenarianism.  Capitalism has had its share of war, genocides, famines, political uncertainty, purges, and plagues; but these are taking place today in new contexts that have emerged from novel historical processes.   Let’s consider some of these.

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One of the first post-war conspiracy theories began with what was later described as a UFO sighting at Roswell, New Mexico in 1947.   The Air Force explained the debris as a crashed weather balloon and interest diminished.   In the 1950s, Area 51, Nevada, stimulated further interest in UFO activity.   These remote, scarcely populated, areas in the US South-West have been used for secret flights – often at night – for a succession of high-performance aircraft – such as the U2, SR-71 Blackbird and F-117 – each of which looked nothing like contemporaneous aircraft.   So the mysterious lights, restricted areas, strange noises that accompanied these research programmes were further fuel for conspiracy theories, to be joined by growing suspicion of alien activity.   The Air Force was perfectly happy to have these rumours circulating – better the sightings were of alien spaceships than information about a state-of-the-art aircraft.   It was in the context of increasing anxieties about the state of the world, especially after multiple threats of nuclear war, that these ideas began to take on cultural traction.   In the 1970s, interest in UFOs built considerably and, given suspicions about what was going on inside the state, became coupled with government secrecy: they were not telling people what was really going on.   The fact that successive governments had systematically lied to the population about the origins and purpose of the Vietnam War, the clandestine operations in Laos and Cambodia, was proven definitively with the 1971 publication of the ‘Pentagon Papers’ in the New York Times.   Furthermore, it was found through the Watergate investigations that the Nixon government had tried systematically to discredit the originator of the Papers, Daniel Ellsberg.   In those, post-Watergate, times, Eisenhower’s 1950s’ warnings about the military-industrial complex were morphed into the ‘deep state’ that was really in control.   Hollywood cashed in on this sense of paranoia with several films, and later moved it into cultural centre stage with globally-successful television shows such as the X-files.   This is one thread of the yarn.

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Another is the evolution of religious institutions.   The first European settlers came over to the Americas with all their prejudices from their home nations – whether fleeing religious oppressions or bringing it with them.   The Puritans, in particular, brought their millenarian beliefs with them; the sheer size of the country and the spreading out of the population weakened centralised religious controls and belief systems diversified.   Adding to the white churches came a swathe of black churches after the Civil War.   These denominations continued to separate and recombine into different organisations.   And today we have a country strewn with a multitude of institutions looking more like the pick-and-mix section of a religious supermarket.   So, too, grew the opportunities for conmen to benefit: with Elmer Gantry being the template for a thousand and one to follow; a fictional representation of what was already happening.   Technically, the preachers moved on to radio and television with many of them able to get followers to make contributions and buy modern equivalents of relics and indulgencies.   This became a multi-billion-dollar industry.

With the money comes a deep involvement between religion and the state.   The American Constitution separates church and state but gives religion a free hand; significantly, the state gives tax benefits to institutions that call themselves religious.   This provides rich seams of voters that political parties can mine.    In recent years, the Republican Party has been foremost in mining the Christian churches – getting the preachers to deliver the votes in return for the preservation of tax breaks.   This gave a boost to the development and substantial growth of Christian nationalism.   Along with the political positions – anti-abortion predominating in a misogynistic world view of control over women – is the religious aspect which encourages the acceptance of the mystical.   The variations in belief cover a multitude of evangelicals, charismatics, fundamentalist of many hues – but then, if you can believe in transubstantiation you can believe in anything.   Among their beliefs: the Rapture, which gives eschatological connection to end-time with one 1950s group The Seekers, also known as The Brotherhood of the Seven Rays, claiming that aliens, not Jesus Christ, would seize the Elect.   (As an aside, Pompeo is a rapturist.)     This acceptance of mysticism and its connections to mainstream politics as well as to alien tales permeates all strata of American society, and contributes to the further weaving of threads into the fabric.   Jihadism for the Christian Right.

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Technical evolutions have escalated what once were cottage industries into weapons-grade onslaughts: these have fundamentally changed the predominant ideological vectors in society.   The US has been at the forefront of these changes.   After end of the Second World War the dominant ideological messages were carried from the state to the population by newspapers.   Through the 20th Century, the role of television and radio grew at the expense of the printed word.

In the US, television news and analysis was dominated by three networks:   NBC, ABC and CBS.   The dominant national newspapers were located on the East (such as The Washington Post and The New York Times) and the West (such as The Los Angeles Times) coasts, and the round the Chicago mid-West.(such as the Chicago Tribune).   The country was covered by a network of local television stations and a mass of local newspapers who syndicated a great deal of the news and its analysis from the majors and re-interpreted it for local consumption.   This situation endured for decades and it continued to fulfil the role of – stable – ideological messaging.   The stability was ensured in large measure by the 1947 enactment by the Federal Communications Commission of the Fairness Doctrine which required ‘balanced coverage’ of controversial topics of public interest.   But in 1987, in a landmark ruling, the FCC abandoned the Fairness Doctrine which was to change the ideological conveyer belts profoundly.

Americans spend far more time in their cars and trucks, than most other nationals – making radio a very important conduit for the benefit of the music industry and news broadcasters.   After 1987, radio also became a platform for the right-wing shock-jocks, the radio hosts of opinion programmes that have an immense number of phone-ins which give them considerable knowledge of the populations likes and, most importantly, resentments and hates;   effectively, the leash was taken off them and they concocted a toxic industry.   (Trump’s appreciation of what this contributed to him was marked by his award of the Presidential Medal of Freedom to Rush Limbaugh, just deceased, the point man for Resentment and Hatred.)   Almost simultaneously, the Murdoch publishing empire was creating Fox News (to rival the three network majors) and this organisation grew without any experience of the previous restraints on news broadcasting.

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Change doesn’t stop.   Post-1987, there were further developments in this territory.   First, newspaper and television ownership went global and the rules of capitalist (and especially advertising) economics tore into the industry.   Worldwide, deregulations have turned the concentrations of state control of ideology transmission over to commercial interests –  or, in other words, money control.   The effects of these economic forces ravaged the locals to the point that the US has been described as being transformed from a newspaper forest to a desert.   This has weakened local cultures, submitting them to the hegemony of central powers .   Secondly, the major platforms for news began to shift from terrestrial broadcast, first to cable and then to the internet.   With these shifts in technology came other, predatory developments.   On the back of the internet came social media with technologies that could tie individuals to their tastes and preferences, aggregate individuals to groupings in localities, and tie all this to micro-advertising.   Aside from the commercial advantages to advertisers, this opened up enormous opportunities for political parties.   A population could be analysed by constituency and then be further dissected into categories that could be dealt with specifically:  such categories could be fed micro-ideological messages.   Cheaply, too.

This novel ideological vector runs on positive feedback, where on so much social media people only get the news, or information, they ‘like’, diminishing access to challenging views.   Whatever a person’s political inclinations, the television channels and social media can provide more reinforcement.    The world is separated into black and white.   The transmission of ideology is determined by who is paying for the channel.   But, most importantly, these positive feedback systems lead to instability.  There is no self-correction.   Scepticism goes out the window.  And into this febrile ideological cauldron cults such as QAnon injected the most bizarre conspiracy stories to an audience less and less able to apply personal sceptical moderation.   And, further, this enabled participation of white supremist organisations such as the KKK, the Proud Boys and the Oath Keepers.   The gun lobby too – the Second Amendment defenders – was never out of sight.  The traditional market censorship has been replaced by cancel culture – of both the Left and the Right – that only shouts.   The cacophony on this socio-political stage was crying out for orchestration.   Into this role stepped a reality television host, Trump, comfortable with chaos and psyched up to intensify it for his personal benefit.

Trump’s mass rallies – during the campaign and during his presidency – afforded settings for hyping the narrative about fake news, witch-hunts and (latterly) the Steal.   Fox News, QAnon and others reinforced the messages and the quasi-hysteria around them.   A significant number of people regard Trump almost mystically with complex explanations for his actions and how to interpret them.   For example, he set up the Mueller Inquiry, some explain, with Russia-gate as a cover for its real purpose – to investigate the paedophiliac cabal  at the heart of government.   When he makes speeches at his rallies – and especially on 6 January – even his hand movements are parsed so that his followers can understand what his instructions really are.   This is a classic response of those that swallow conspiracy theories.   On that day, and right up to the moment of Biden’s inauguration oath on 20 January, many were convinced that something major was to happen to stop the Steal.   They were left with the emotions familiar to all followers of prophesies that fail and whose beliefs are disconfirmed.

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Is belief in Rapture today madder than standard beliefs in ‘respectable’ religions (resurrection, angels, devils)? Is belief in ruling class conspiracies groundless? Is the idea of electoral fraud ridiculous? No to all of these. Americans are neither more intelligent nor more stupid than anyone else. The specific madness rampant in the US is a creation of 21st Century capitalism and is contagious, appearing in other parts of the world albeit it muted – as in the UK.

The world is a difficult place to understand and capitalism’s evolution and the bourgeoisie’s manoeuvres challenge us hugely. The developments outlined here describe how relatively stable, nationally-shared perceptions in American society were morphed into antagonistic interpretations of reality. The cultural dissonance is palpable. The turbulence is considerable. The entire population is stressed.

Where do we see the working class questioning this whole madhouse? There were few workers among the participants arrested at the Capitol on 6 January; indeed, most of them were small business owners. Although some working-class votes went to Trump, in the midst of this psychological mayhem there have still been strikes against employers’ indifference to workers’ Covid vulnerabilities, health industry workers have still worked for the benefit of the sick, and there has been active participation into anti-racist movements. But that is not enough. The challenge of consciousness is not to be settled between bourgeois visions of reality, whether stable or chaotic, but for the proletariat to develop a shared perception of reality, to see the world through the lens of class. The material and ideological forces thrown at it by bourgeois society are formidable and they have to be seen for what they are.

Marlowe

27 February 2021

Coronavirus: Why the Bourgeoisie is Unfit to Rule

The plague of SARS-Covid-19 that has spread everywhere in 2020 brings into stark relief the natural behaviour of the bourgeoisie which defends only its own class interests and has no inclination to defend the interests of humanity; indeed, its very participation in dealing with the virus heightens the problems we all confront.   The scrabbling for profits or political benefits, the bureaucratic infighting, the competition, the corruption, the drive for centralisation and the maintenance of power structures, the indifference to the needs of populations:  all these facets of bourgeois rule are alive and active in their response to the pandemic.   It could not be otherwise.

Behind the many faces the bourgeoisie presents to its national populations – democratic or authoritarian in varying degrees – is the historic enemy of humanity:  the capitalist socio-economic system which dominates all aspects of human life.   And this system, which has everyone in its grip, gives its ruling class the power to determine how the current pandemic is dealt with.   The nature of the bourgeoisie is shown in its actions and is clearly revealed in its handling of the various chapters of the pandemic story to date.  Indeed, the behaviour of the bourgeoisie in this pandemic highlights why the working class must rid the world of this parasitic system of exploitation which poses an existential threat to humanity.

(The following is mainly centred on the evolution of events in the UK.)

Whose Pandemic is It Anyway?

Plagues are part of human history; they weren’t invented by capitalism but capitalism has favoured their creation and accelerated their rate of spread over, say, those experienced in mediaeval Europe.   The 1918 influenza pandemic originated on a Kansas farm, following a species jump from fowl (probably ducks) to humans.   Patient zero had enlisted in the army, went to a mobilisation camp and spread the virus among other troops.   Sick soldiers then boarded troopships bound for Europe and continued to spread it, infecting civilians as well as the front-line armies.   The military hierarchy kept the sickness secret for as long as they could but it nonetheless became public – how could it not?   The movement of troops across Europe and then across the world ensured the epidemic turned into a pandemic leading to perhaps as many as 70 million deaths.   A hundred years later, modern capitalism’s fast and global transportation for millions has accelerated the spread still more.   What took years in ancient times, months during the First World War, now can be spread even more widely in days.

For many decades, public health organisations have been concerned about the next pandemic – always considered to be inevitable; not if but when.   The World Health Organisation (WHO) has kept a watch on possible candidates.   In recent years, several diseases heightened this concern – HIV/AIDS, Ebola, SARS among them – all deriving from species jumps facilitated as a result of ways in which humans and animals interact today.   These changed interactions result from, among other things, the wanton destruction of wildlife habitat and the squeezing of the remaining animals into smaller and smaller habitats, wild animal butchery markets right in the middle of Asian cities, bushmarkets in Africa and factory farming in the US.   It is not yet known what and where the animal reservoir of the current coronavirus resides but the behaviour of capitalism round the world increases the likelihood of more to follow.   The current pandemic has been long-expected by public health professionals, if not its specificity.

Preparations for the next pandemic

In many countries, public health authorities have made preparations for the next pandemic.   Probably best prepared were those who had been through the worst of the 2002-2004 SARS epidemic, especially Vietnam and Taiwan.  Among the worst prepared were the UK and the US and this despite planning exercises carried out in 2016 (UK) and 2019 (US) both of which highlighted the deficiencies in their health systems.   Little surprise, perhaps, since health provision in the US is notoriously dysfunctional, especially under the Trump administration which has tried to destroy the Affordable Care Act.   In the UK – despite politicians lauding the NHS which is free at the point of use – health provision has been under severe attack for years, including a stealth privatisation and the imposition of internal market structures.    Health expenditure has been an important component of the social wage which the bourgeoisie has a clear interest in minimising.   No wonder, then, that successive governments were unwilling to invest in measures to deal with a problem they hoped wouldn’t happen on their watch.   This wasn’t a failure to act, it was policy: they didn’t want to prepare because of the cost.

Had the government wanted to draw up effective measures it could have done worse than go back to Quinto Tiberio Angelerio of Sardinia who set out preventive measures to minimise the spread of the plague in the late 16th Century.   His work was heeded in his community during repeat epidemics, and this centuries before there was a germ theory of disease.   Or, closer to home, they could have considered the value of the self-quarantining of the village of Eyam in the mid-17th Century to prevent the bubonic plague spreading outside.   No, this is the 21st Century and governments respond only to what’s in front of them.

Lysenko rides  again?

In Wuhan, in December 2019, based on his experience of the SARS epidemic, Dr Li Wenliang spotted the presence of a new coronavirus outbreak and warned his fellow doctors of his findings.   Within days the police told him to stop; soon after the Public Security Bureau where he was told to sign a letter in which he was accused of “making false comments” that had “severely disturbed the social order”.   He later caught the coronavirus and died of Covid-19.   In late 2020, the Chinese citizen journalist reporting from Wuhan, Zhang Zhan, was jailed for four years for “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.”   Both cases underline the government’s concern to keep the flow of information under its control.

The WHO first picked up a media statement on the Wuhan Health  Commission’s website on 31 December 2019 reporting a cluster of cases of “viral pneumonia of unknown cause”   Over the next few days WHO and the Chinese authorities communicated and the novel coronavirus was named.   However, it is generally thought that the virus had  been observed/detected in November but was not reported.   There is speculation on the cause of the delay.   It could be that the central government wanted the outbreak kept quiet but it could also be that the local bureaucrats were afraid to tell the central government what was going on.   It could be some mixture of both.   But whatever the actual reason – and we may find out in time – the fact is that fear of candour is rife in all capitalist hierarchies and politics, liberal and authoritarian, and it invariably works against the population.   The Lysenko affair and its consequences illustrated how deadly this phenomenon can be.

Rejecting Mendel’s theories as reactionary and idealist, Lysenko developed his own ideas of all-year agricultural work and his success in encouraging Russian peasants to return to work in the 1920s and 1930s were approved by Stalin.   Lysenko’s claims to major productivity advances were eagerly expected by the Soviet leadership, and the farm managers and fearful agricultural bureaucrats gave them the news they wanted to hear.    The result was the collapse of harvests and resulting famines killing millions.   (Showing an unwillingness to learn, Mao adopted Lysenko’s methods;  the Great Famine in China of 1959-62 brought around 30 million deaths.)

Our recent experience of the bourgeoisie’s Covid-response political manoeuvres underlines the murderous consequences of their information management.   Trump has explicitly stated that he knew right from the start the menace that the virus posed and deliberately downplayed it; his politicisation of Covid as a Democratic hoax was to have a deadly effect on the American population.    In the UK, the Johnson government used the mantra that it was “following the science” as advised by SAGE (Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies); this was a lie.   Repeatedly, through 2020 the government did not give the pandemic due attention as it was distracted by the looming end of the Brexit transition period, and by the need to placate the ‘libertarian’ wing of the Conservative Party.

Foreknowledge is …. Lucrative

 With the onset of a crisis there is always a faction that looks to profit from it.  They did not have to know of Machiavelli’s exhortation  to “never waste the opportunity offered by a good crisis“ to leap at opportunities to make a buck or two.

The Leader of the House of Commons in the UK Parliament, Jacob Rees-Mogg, is also a co-founder of a hedge fund management company, Somerset Capital Management, which notified its investors that “Market dislocations of this magnitude happen rarely, perhaps once or twice in a generation, and have historically provided excellent entry points for investors,” and that “[h]istory has shown us that super normal returns can be made during this type of environment.”   They put it well.   On the other side of the Atlantic, Richard Burr, the Chairman of the US Senate Intelligence Committee, acted on the information given in his regular intelligence briefings about the Coronavirus threat by unloading about $1million of stock; he has form on this – in 2018 he unloaded his shares in a Dutch company just before a US change in sanctions regulations.   Effectively this is a kind of political insider trading.

But it’s the big boys that make the big money.   Jeff Bezos sold $3.4 billion’s worth of Amazon shares in the first week of February, just before the stock price peaked.   The Guardian reported that:   “In total US executives sold about $9.2 billion in shares of the companies they run in the five weeks before the start of the stock market rout. Selling before the 30% collapse in the market saved them from paper losses of $1.9 billion.”

So is Screwing Workers

While many sectors of the economy have suffered hugely from the shutdowns and curtailments, others have thrived, and so have their owners’ wealth.   Bezos’s personal wealth increased by $70 billion in nine months, $10 billion in one week alone – the greatest growth in personal wealth in human history.   The Walton family (owners of Walmart) wealth increased by almost $50 billion, .   This profit has been made from low-paid workers for whom there have been countless cases where protective equipment or danger money was denied and where whistle-blowers were hounded.   This obscene profiteering didn’t come out of nowhere:   America’s wealthiest 50 people had a total net worth of nearly $1.6 trillion in mid-2020 and the country’s 650 billionaires had a wealth increase of around $1 trillion in nine months.

These profits did not materialise simply from  increases in production, some of it came from changes in the financial and stock markets.   But almost all of it is funnelled through tax avoidance schemes, creating financial holes in economies which are then filled by governments’ tax-gouging from the working class:  a sleight of hand to hide who’s really paying.

‘Policies’

As the impact of the pandemic grew, governments adopted different strategies to deal with it.   Those who had been through the last SARS epidemic went for combinations of suppression and containment – exemplified by China, Taiwan and South Korea who have authoritarian regimes that use tighter and more disciplined population control than in the so-called democracies.    In countries that portray themselves as liberal we were inflicted with more variety.   One tack was to go for so-called herd immunity.   To reach this threshold in the population for this virus, a vaccine would be needed – unless letting it rip was acceptable, and in some regimes it was.    Sweden took the lead on this policy, turning it into an official national programme – and so killed more than adjacent countries which went for policies to increase social distancing and mask-wearing.   Johnson’s government in the UK ignored warnings about the risks of super-spreading events (such as the Cheltenham Festival) and indeed his senior advisor, Dominic Cummings, was quoted as saying that they should go for herd immunity, protect the economy and that “…if a few pensioners die, too bad.”

The most egregious were the authoritarian presidents, with Trump leading the field.   Trump has admitted that he had been warned of the dangers posed by this virus;  his intended self-serving decision was to downplay it – remember, it was just going to disappear – and, worse still, to politicise it as a “Democratic hoax” and scorn the wearing of masks.   This profoundly undermined the efforts of national and state public health agencies to deal with the pandemic.   The whys of this illustrate more dimensions of the antisocial policies of the ruling class.

One of the earliest problems in dealing with this pandemic was the shortage of personal protective equipment (PPE) as demand spiked globally, leading to a purchasing frenzy accompanied by a price hike.   Government vied with government in bidding, and competition for supplies reached extraordinary levels: aircraft on runways readying for take-off were changing destinations and refiling flight plans as governments continued to compete for the PPE cargos.   This became even more ludicrous in the US where individual states were bidding against each other.  The UK declined  to participate in the larger EU bids as a means to reduce costs as the government considered it to be inconsistent with its Brexit philosophy.   Without shame, the same government awarded a £250 million contract for PPE to a Florida jeweller who had no industry experience;  the PPE was not delivered.   All this on top of stockpiled PPE having deteriorated to the point of being unusable.   Furthermore, recent investigations have been met with governmental refusal to affirm that £1.1billion of PPE bought has ever been delivered.

Testing offered huge opportunities for big companies – pharmaceuticals, consultancies and logistics.   Through its Operation Moonshot, the UK government was aiming to spend £100 billion on creating a mass testing regime able to perform 10 million Covid tests a day.   However, relevant experts – scientists, statisticians, clinicians – were not consulted and the scheme was initiated amid warnings of the likely consequences of generating thousands of false positives being generated every day, and overall cost.   By October, it was reported that the project was dumped, to be subsumed into the track and trace project.

The UK has a developed set of public health system which includes effective local track and trace organisations.   These are activated for events such as outbreaks of food poisoning.   There are similar veterinarian structures to deal with disease outbreaks among farm animals.    These decentralised systems were ignored in the interests of handing out large central contracts to IT and consulting companies.   The money involved was considerable.   For example, the government let a contact tracing contract for £208 million for 12 weeks; 27,000 call handlers were hired at the rate of £20,000 a year – approximately £4,600 each for the 12 weeks during which time fewer than 56,000 contacts were reached so achieving under two contacts per call handler.   This kind of ridiculous contracting has been replicated in almost every area relevant to the pandemic.   By the end of July the government had spent £10.5 billion on thousands of contracts without competitive tender, generating a huge gravy train for participants;   and it just so happens that many of the beneficiaries are supporters of the Conservative Party.   Whether or not this is legal it is utterly corrupt.

The objectives of testing and of tracking and tracing should dovetail into the isolation policies.    They didn’t.   Why not?   Well, one reason was the need to parcel up the overall objectives into smaller ones that would enable contracts to be let.    However, the various sub-projects then have to be integrated – and this generates more interfaces that have also to be contracted out.   The end result has been an expensive clusterfuck.   Entirely predictable.   But there are many happy companies, managements and shareholders.

The mantra of the UK political classes has been to “Save the NHS”.   But for the most part this is an appeal not to swamp the hospital systems; on the other hand, the staff of the NHS are expendable – evidenced by the lack of PPE, general unpreparedness, appalling protocols (such as releasing Covid-infected patients back into care homes).   In fact, care home staff throughout the country are among the lowest paid workers:   many are on zero-hours contracts and have to work in several homes in back-to-back shifts.   They became one of the infection vectors (as well as Care Quality Commission inspectors) in spreading infection from one home to another.   How did the government deal with this?   The Health Secretary declared that “right from the start we’ve tried to throw a protective ring round our care homes” and that all the PPE they needed was available.   This was another barefaced lie; but telling lies costs nothing – especially with the poorest workers – and lies are traditionally the cheapest tools that politicians have.   At least, they have zero cost until the day of reckoning.

The sheer incompetence of the ruling class has been staggering.   This is not because, as a class, it is composed of idiots, though many certainly are.   In the UK government, the entire cabinet – as was required for the whole Conservative Parliamentary Party in the 2019 general election – had to support Johnson and Brexit.   The electoral crushing of the Labour Party has allowed Johnson to populate his government with some of the worst, vindictive and cruel specimens to be found.    Competence – at anything except sycophancy – is not a requirement.   And it doesn’t stop there; cronies are appointed to highly-paid positions of responsibility.   An example is Dido Harding, the head of the discredited NHS Test and Trace programme:  not only is she on the board of the Jockey Club which went ahead with the Cheltenham Festival (the major 2020 superspreader event in the UK) but without any past experience of health matters, she was made chairwoman of NHS Improvement in 2017; she is married to a Tory MP who wants to scrap the NHS.    The incompetence has political roots.

A further politicisation of the pandemic takes place through the arguments between the ‘authoritarian’ and the ‘libertarian’ wings in the ruling class.   The pivot is: should health or the economy be the policy driver.   The libertarian wing of the Conservative Party is against the lockdowns and the constraints on retail and hospitality; the Coronavirus will be handled by the vaccine and until then casualties are acceptable.   It is no surprise that the opponents of lockdowns and other Covid restrictions are the same hard right wing that drove the Brexit agenda; the old European Research Group has now morphed into factions inside the Party – the Covid Recovery Group and the Common Sense Group (sic).   On the other hand, the authoritarians argue that the restrictive measures are essential to bring the virus ‘under control’.   Structurally, they are so conflicted: under the gaze of the whole society, they have to pretend to square circles.    Their objectives are incompatible and they profess reconciliation of the irreconcilable.

‘Implausible Deniability’

It is not only Trump who has peddled lies about the existence of Covid, and although he changed his propaganda, his original denial is still current.    Even dying Covid patients in American hospitals have argued for doctors to tell them what they were ‘really’ suffering from.   This denial has spread and in the UK it is growing where deniers photograph empty hospital corridors and post them on social media claiming that the deaths are not happening.   As in the US, but a long way behind, this denial is becoming linked with conspiracy theories and anti-vaxxers’ propaganda.

Hammering the Population

Right from the start, the health of the UK population has been sacrificed for the needs of the economy.    However, since the economy depends on the participation of workers – no surprise there –  the government and the bosses have put many workers between a rock and a hard place.   And they are hammering away from many angles.   We can point to a few here.

Early in the pandemic, the population was told that – counter-intuitively – wearing facemasks outside a clinical environment was ineffective.   When this government view was changed it transpired that it had been a propaganda effort to reduce the public demand for facemasks which would otherwise compromise the resulting availability for the NHS.   (There are areas where ‘fake news’ is an appropriate term.)   The effect was to make the subsequent call for the general use of facemasks more difficult to implement – with a consequent increase in the transmissibility of the virus.

In almost every Western country where lockdowns have taken place, governments have justified them in terms of the need for social isolation.   But it only the relatively wealthy in the right jobs that could comply with the exhortations to ‘stay at home’.   For many, there is a stark choice between the danger of infection at work or no earnings.    In the first instance, workers were told to stay at home, not to travel to work if they could avoid it.   While some governments prepared furlough packages for some workers, others didn’t.   And many were told they had to turn up for work or forfeit their pay; these were usually the lowest paid, those on zero-hours contracts and in the poorest accommodation.   Most of the workers in care homes fell into these categories and went to work, inadvertently spreading the virus and contributing to the very high death rates in those care homes for the elderly.

Outside the care homes, the government – as an employer – provided one of the worst cases.   The UK vehicle and driver licensing agency (DVLA) in Swansea  has had over 500 Covid cases since September, yet 1800 staff – including those with symptoms – are required to turn up to work;  they are to turn off their track and trace apps on their mobile phones.   As an employer, the government knows exactly what it is doing.

To stimulate demand in several sectors the government said that people should go to work as the transportation systems were under-utilised and the support enterprises near workplaces (cafes, shops, etc) were suffering from lack of business.   The government then started a campaign to ‘eat out to help out’, encouraging dining in restaurants with a subsidy for every customer; social distancing was weakened.   Contradiction has been the hallmark of government advice and instruction, and has been dispiriting as well as harmful; in this, Johnson has taken a few lessons from Trump.   Contradictory messaging is always to the advantage of the rulers who take advantage of the resulting confusion.

The support given by the government to the most severely affected, unsurprisingly, was highly selective.   Two decisions stand out.   Those who are declared not covered by other programmes are told to use the Universal Credit system.   This is a system designed – it was claimed – to simplify the complex benefits arrangements.   To adhere to the government’s aim to make work financially preferable, the benefits were lowered, procedures stricter and payments had delays programmed in.   This system has only benefitted credit companies and loan sharks.   The second decision was to withhold free school meals from poor children; uproar led by a well-known footballer got the decision rescinded.   This was followed by a further scandal where the catering companies were increasing their profits by giving the children substandard food boxes.   And, again, the bosses of the companies involved (such as Compass Group) were Conservative Party donors.

Many of the government’s decisions over the past year show ineptitude or corrupt behaviour.   But these are not the only factors.   Johnson can also be seen as a piece of flotsam pushed around pulverised by the opposing political currents inside his party (the libertarian and authoritarian wings, as mentioned earlier) as well as by mayors elsewhere in the country, and by his own scientific and medical advisors.  It is not always easy to discern which factors predominate in one of Johnson’s notorious U-turns.      Just when the WHO was saying that mass testing was essential, and when NHS England had just announced a significant expansion of testing, Johnson ended it.   The development of the mobile app by the NHS independently of the tech companies had to be abandoned as a complete failure – and given to the tech companies to develop.   Face masks in shops were declared unnecessary in June, and made mandatory in July.  Adamantly, no free school meals for poor children; then, after a national campaign, they were provided.   Twice.    Councils who tried to shut schools because of infection levels were threatened with legal action by the government – which shut the schools anyway a couple of days later.   There’s no end to it.   And are other governments any different?

State surveillance and control

The pandemic has provided a perfect justification for enhanced state surveillance and control measures.   China in particular has devoted considerable effort to develop and use the surveillance technologies coupled with rigorous social disciplines.   The eagerness of many tech companies to develop apps for contact tracing reflects the financial rewards and while they can contribute to dealing with the current pandemic, their technologies will have a ready market in state surveillance everywhere.

But in many countries the ruling class does without advanced technologies.   Television news show only too graphically where police forces are given free rein to indulge in orgies of beatings to get people to go home, even when they are just trying to find food:   Kenya, Iran, India, Philippines, Russia, Cambodia ….   Of course, Duterte always goes the extra mile and instructs his forces to deal with people violating curfews:  “shoot them dead.”   Maduro in Venezuela has used the pandemic as a cover for heightened repression and censorship – victimising medical staff and journalists who complain about the state of the hospitals; now, returning migrants are being criminalised as “biological weapons” sent by Colombia.

Vaccines Meet Nationalism

The fast development, testing and regulatory approval  of several vaccines in months rather than years shows how powerful the development of the productive forces has become.   The mobilisation of novel science and technology, and the organisation of production and distribution has been impressive and shows the immensity of human potential for dealing with challenges such as Covid.   At the same time, the pandemic has also shown how capitalism is a brake on this potential as the population is held hostage to capitalism’s profit and political objectives.

Big Pharma has proven itself over many years to be a particularly rapacious industry.   It focusses on where the profits are richer with little regard to human need, apart from its role in market creation.   That’s why there has been little effort put into replacing the armoury of those antibiotics undermined by pathogen resistance much of which has been caused by over- or mis-use.   Far greater profits have been gained through creating dependency on opioids and other products.   The fact that some companies have said that they will supply vaccines to some poor countries at cost scarcely hides the global profits to be gained through this pandemic and future use of the technologies developed, often with national subsidies.

No sooner has the vaccine rollout begun than governments are already playing games.   Although the vaccines available to date rely on two doses three weeks apart, in the UK  the government has now proposed to delay the second dose to 12 weeks so as to vaccinate more people in a given time.   As many scientists have pointed out, there is nothing in the trials to date that supports this gamble on efficacy.   Yet again, the bourgeoisie is taking a punt on health policy; in this case the gamble might pay off but this kind of gambling with people’s lives is typical.

Just as with the competition to get PPE supplies, there is developing a ‘vaccine nationalism’ which is so apparent in Europe where countries are competing against each other to get supplies, a competition that the EU is trying to get under control.   And again, we see the creation of a zero-sum game being created between the wealthiest and the poorest countries where, because of production limitations, every vaccine going to a wealthy country is one not available to the poor.

*  *  *  *  *

The 2020 pandemic experience clearly shows that the interests of humanity are not served under the rule of the bourgeoisie. As ever, its behaviour in this pandemic the bourgeoisie again shows that it only serves its own interests – at the expense of everyone and everything else.      This article can be read as a litany of immoral or inept behaviours but the issue is greater than that.   These behaviours are not accidents. All of these behaviours have their root in the various national politico-economic circumstances, in turn stemming from the condition of the global capitalist socio-economic system.   So capitalism causes these pandemics, globalisation spreads them, corruption and greed exacerbates them and nationalism condemns us to the mercy of our rulers.

To the infliction of exploitation, wars, climate crisis and famine on humanity capitalism has added plague to its scourging of the planet.   The scale of the bourgeoisie’s self-serving activity has become an existential threat to the working class and the rest of humanity.   Fundamentally, we have the question of political power.   Only the proletariat – acting as revolutionary subject – can enable us to escape capitalism’s logic.   This cannot happen soon enough.   Our lives depend on it.

Capitalism is Deadly and Its Bourgeoisie is Unfit to Rule

Marlowe

15 February 2021